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LAS NUEVAS RELIGIONES JAPONESAS

Las nueva religiones (jap. Shinkoo shuukyoo lit. "nuevo amanecer religioso) se diferencian de las

establecidas por desarrollar sus propias organizaciones sociales y religiosas -su propia jerarqua

religiosa, sus propios altares y sus rituales particulares.

Por el contrario, la distincin entre las nuevas religiones y la religin folclrica es un poco

menos marcada, debido a que en Japn, el folklore religioso ha sido asistemtico y se ha basado

en la tradicin oral.

Las n.r. no son nuevas por haber introducido elementos nunca antes vistos en la historia de las

religiones japonesas. Ms bien son movimientos de renovacin de stas. Desde su propio punto

de vista, han surgido como una expresin de la necesidad de revivir la pureza original de las r.

establecidas. Esto afirman por ejemplo, los fieles Reidyuukai quienes han tomado las ceremonias

fnebres del budismo japons transformndolas en algo adecuado al hombre moderno.

Otros movimientos han tomado del Shinto, la idea de un mundo habitado por kamis ante los

cuales el hombre es responsable; los kamis son adems la fuente de alguna "revelacin" que

muchos de los fundadores han recibido.

El neoconfusianismo tambin ha permeado estas n.r., por su discurso csmico-moral.

Tanto el Shamanismo como las enseanzas de Nichiren son centrales en n.r. como Reidyuukai,

Risshoo Kooseikai y Sooka Gakkai.

Los Kami, los ancestros, los budas y el fundador son, en el universo sagrado de las nuevas r.,

simultneamente fuentes de bendicin y los cuatro objetos de culto principales. El ritual de cada

n.r. se encuentra unido estrechamente a estos cuatro conceptos.

Las n.r. aspiran a tener un alcance nacional (e incluso internacional) y para ello se apoyan en

voluntariados para movilizar su devocin y energa1.

Las nuevas religiones combinan la organizacin celular, con la nacional. La red nacional utiliza

los medios masivos de comunicacin, especialmente la publicidad.Desarrollo

La primera n.r. se denomin Nyoruikyoo (fundada en 1802); siguieron Kurozumikyoo (1814) y

Tenrikyoo (1838). En aquella poca el gobierno condicion sus libertades mediante la

1 Byron H. Earhart. Guedatsu-kai and Religion in Contemporary Japan, Returning to the

Center, Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1989, p. 11.

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todo, el poder ha sido y es transferido por los ancestros.

El sentido de la vida es inmanente, no trascendente. Por ello,

las consecuencias de nuestras acciones no esperarn otra vida para alcanzarnos. La vida adquiere

su cabal sentido en el kami porque el kami no est en un ms all indeterminado sino, por el

contrario, el kami es y est en este mundo (Ibd., p. 14). Asimismo el infierno est en el corazn

de cada individuo, para purificar ste es necesario un camino de ascsis.

En Guedatsu-kai se practica el gojoo shugyoo o experiencia

mstica de comunicacin con el alma de los ancestros que tras la muerte se han transformado en

kami.

Los fieles de Guedatsu-kai creen que la prctica del gojoo shugyoo y el estudio de literatura

(particularmente de los poemas picos japoneses) es lo mismo (Ibd., p. 5).

Gojoo-shuugyoo es comunin con el pasado, tambin es salud del corazn. Okano Eizoo

descubri que eran psicosomticas muchas de las enfermedades de sus pacientes, a los que

"milagrosamente" sanaba, y que dichos trastornos generalmente se haban originado por algn

sentimiento negativo del paciente hacia sus padres; sentimiento que sin embargo, no era

consiente para quien padeca el mal. La salud se alcanzaba cuando el paciente lograba tener

comunin con su pasado, es decir, cuando reordenaba el tiempo vivido y haca conscientes sus

quejas y motivos de rencor en relacin con sus padres, estuvieran stos vivos o muertos,

asumiendo que si olvidar enferma, entonces recordar sana.

En Guedatsu-kai el fiel enfermo bebe t dulce frente a las tabletas de sus ancestros, las cuales

estn colocadas en el tokonoma (Ibd., p. 8), mientras lo hace los invita a acompaarlo. El t

dulce es el equivalente del vino de la misa. Comer es sagrado, porque mediante este evento

restituyo a mi ser presente a los que ya han sido, ellos vivirn en mi gracias a la comida. Por eso,

adems de beber t dulce frente a las tabletas de los ancestros, en Guedatsu-kai, es un ritual

importante lavar amorosamente stas vertiendo t dulce sobre ellas. La sanidad se obtiene

porque nuestra propia lama y los espritus de los muertos son lo mismo (Ibd., p. 20).Cuando los seguidores de Okano Eizoo condicionan la salvacin humana a la sabidura

espiritual, convierten a Guedatsu-kai en un tipo de gnosticismo para el cual la superacin del

hombre depende del hombre mismo, y puesto que, aseguran, la riqueza del ser interior

corresponde al nivel de conocimiento entonces, debemos aprender, practicar y estudiar

Guedatsu-kai.

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Guedatsu-kai est basado en la experiencia individual de lo numinoso y en el sentimiento de

criatureidad, sin ellos todo lo dems (la tica, la doctrina, los dogmas) carece de significado,

y al mismo tiempo son la seal del llamamiento y la validacin de toda la vida y sus acciones.

Okano Eizoo, como casi todos los fundadores de las n.r. dej a sus seguidores la tarea de pensar

y repensar su patrn de creencias y rituales, esto ha de realizarse slo a la luz de la experiencia

individual.

I. Profile Report1. Name: Sukyo Mahikari

2. Founder: Okada Kotama

3. Date of Birth: 1901-1974

4. Year Group Founded: 1960

5. Sacred or Revered Texts: Mahikari members are expected to receive the Holy

Teachings, also known as Mioshie, the Mahikari gospel (Davis:31). The

Goseigenshu , the scriptures of Mahikari, is a 486-page collection of revelationsthat came to Okada during the night. He recorded them with great speed in"'automatic writing'" (Davis:5). Members consider all of the Savior's words partof the Teachings (Davis:6).

6. Cult or Sect:Negative sentiments are typically implied when the concepts "cult"

and "sect" are employed in popular discourse. Since the Religious MovementsHomepage seeks to promote religious tolerance and appreciation of the positivebenefits of pluralism and religious diversity in human cultures, we encourage theuse of alternative concepts that do not carry implicit negative stereotypes. For amore detailed discussion of both scholarly and popular usage of the concepts"cult" and "sect," please visit ourConceptualizing "Cult" and "Sect" page, whereyou will find additional links to related issues.

7. Size of Group: Winston Davis warns that present numbers are difficult to define.

1970 figures claimed 300,000 to 400,000 members. He estimates de factomembership at that time to be100,000 to 200,000 or less (Davis:7). He venturesfurther to say 1970 figures represent about 50,000 to 75,000 active members(Davis:8).

|Profile |History |Beliefs |Links |Bibliography |

II. History:

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Okada Yoshikazu, who later became known as Okada Kotama, was born in 1901 in Nakayama(Davis:3). His grandfather and father alike tutored feudal lords at Nakayama Castle, and in 1868with the Meiji Restoration , Okada's father rose to the rank of major general in the imperialarmy. Okada's father's dying wish was that he follow in the family footsteps (Davis:3). Theyoung Okada attended military school and served in the imperial guard under the Taisho andShowa emperors (Davis:3). He suffered a back injury while serving in the Pacific War and wassubsequently diagnosed with tuberculosis of the spine (Davis:3). After suffering under thefailings of Western medicine, Okada became an active member of the Church of Messianity (Sekai Kyusei Kyo ). This religious gospel taught that suffering results from "dust" thataccumulates on the soul. Such dust could be wiped away through the purchase of an amulet andraising one's hand over another's forehead (Davis:3).In 1959, Okada is said to have had his first revelation (Davis:5). The Su God, also knownas Revered-Parent Origin-Lord True-Light Great God, is said to have returned to theworld after a period of withdrawal (Young 35). The deity appeared to the founder at fivein the morning with a revelation. Su God, whose name means "True God of Light," is said

to be God of fire, light, and the sun (Young 35). Though lesser deities failed at the task, SuGod's goal is to rid the world of evil spirits, and cleanse the human body of defilementsthat lead to sickness and unnatural death (Young 35). Defilements refer to the toxins ofmodernization, like pollution and medicine (Young 35). Su God also promised to bathe the

world " in a Baptism of Fire " with a light that heals for followers and a light that destroysfor non-believers.

Because Su God defined contemporary troubles as an imbalance between good and evil, heurged Okada to work for balance. Furthermore, he designated 2000 AD as a deadline forthe task. According to legend, if society does not succeed at this task, Su God has promisedto incinerate the world at this time (Young 36).Okada's first disciples were local bar girls, and on August 28, 1960, he is said to have

officially begun his movement. Originally called the L.H. (Lucky and Healthy) SunshineChildren, the group later became known as the Church of the World True-LightCivilization (Davis:5). By 1970, Mahikari was a nationwide movement (Davis:5). In

November 1968, Okada stirred up interest when he demonstrated his purification methodon "Afternoon Show," a television program (Davis:5).During this period Okada is said to have received continuous revelations, and he recordedthem all with great speed. This collection of revelations is now a 486-page Goseigenshu ,the Mahikari scriptures (Davis:5). Also around this period he began to regard himself as"God's earthly 'Proxy, Carbon Copy, and Robot'" (Davis:5). At the zenith of his career

Okada Kotama received the American Academy of Arts' medallion of the Knight'sCommander of St. Denis (Davis:6). He also enjoyed a private meeting with Pope Paul VI

(Davis:6).At this point the details become a bit ambiguous. According to Sukyo Mahikariinstruction, Okada requested his daughter Sachiko's presence while on his death bed. Herequested that she succeed him as leader of his movement (Davis:6). Even today, however,there are two claims to the title of Spiritual Leader. In reality, Sachiko's present rival,Sekiguchi Sakae, was publicly inducted as the Leader of the church following the Savior's

death in 1974.An unexplainable "'revelation memo'" allegedly appeared later and indicated that Sachiko

should take control (Davis:6). Sachiko, who changed her name to the religious Keiju, and

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her supporters gained control of the main shrine and the movement's other properties.

Sekiguchi resorted to the courts for assistance and in 1978, the Supreme Court of Japannamed Sekiguchi the legal Spiritual Leader of Mahikari (Davis:6). Okada Keiju moved

her headquarters to Kanagawa and changed the name of her movement to SukyoMahikari. To this day she retains most of her father's followers (Davis:7). Generallyspeaking, today Mahikari predominantly attracts unskilled blue-collar laborers and lowerlevel white-collar workers (Davis:12).Now that the immediate history of Sukyo Mahikari has been traced, a deeper historicalunderstanding may be beneficial. Winston Davis defines Mahikari as a "conglomeration of

several different sources: Shinto deities, Buddhist hells, Christian eschatology, Japanesenativism [and] occultism..." (94). More specifically, he labels the Church of Messianity the

"parent sect" and Omoto the "grandparent sect" (Davis:94). Given Okada's involvementwith Messianity, these implications are understandable.Ultimately, then Mahikari is said to be a sect that grew out of the Omoto sect (Davis:73).Established in 1892, the founder was a peasant woman named Deguchi Nao (1836-1918).

Her successor was an adopted son named Deguchi Onisaburo (1871-1948). Under his rule,Omoto reached it's peak of popularity (Davis:73). He was arrested twice, as the Japanesegovernment feared his influence. On the first occassion in 1921, he was not detained forany significant amount of time. However, after his 1935 arrest the government destroyed

the sect's headquarters and detained the leader, his wife, and fifty followers for seven years(Davis:73). After his release in 1942, he found he had lost many followers (Davis:73).

Membership at its peak was estimated at two million, but figures for 1970 are estimated at144,000 members (Davis:74). However, out of this group's beginnings, Sukyo Mahikariwas (indirectly) born. One dominant shared idea is Omoto's miteshiro ("honorable hand-substitute"), which closely resembles Mahikari's Okiyome (Davis:74). The influences ofChristianity ,Buddhism , Confucianism , and Japanese folk tradition (idea of spirits)

alsoemerge in Mahikari's belief system (Davis: 84).|Profile |History |Beliefs |Links |Bibliography |

III. Beliefs:According to Richard Fox Young, today's "spiritism" is like "the overflow from a dam that hasbeen stopped up too long" (31). Beliefs in magic and spirits seems to contradict the rationalismof modern society. However, with the exception ofChristianity , Japanese Religions have beenassociated with ancestral worship, worship of household deities, and the "pacification ofwandering and angry spirits," at least until Japan's modernization (Young 31). Sociologically,one argument could be that magic and religion alike serve to reinforce the institutions ofindustrial society (Davis:11).Three Japanese terms play a vital role in the Mahikari belief system (though the gospelcannotbe reduced to these three ideas): the practice ofOkiyome , the possession of theOmitama , and the practice of butsudan .First, the Okiyome is the central practice that embodies the most crucial purificationprocess. The word Okiyome means both "cleansing" and "empowering" (McVeigh,1992a:102). The second definition was assigned as recognition of the "sacred, hidden

significance of words" (McVeigh, 1992a 102). Another more inclusive term for theritualistic cleansing isMisogi harahi.Misogiis the purification ceremony in Shintoism,andHarahiis defined as "purification" or "exorcism" (McVeigh, 1992a:103). McVeigh

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includes three other variations on the definition ofMisogi harahithat embody the

functions of theterm in Mahikari practice:1. "'true scrapping to develop the Positive Spirit'"2. "'true scrapping of the body to develop the Positive Spirit'"3. "'true scrapping of the spirit to develop the Positive Spirit'" (McVeigh,

1992a:103)Okiyome purifies the physical body, astral body, and the tamahi(also known as the "'mainsouland spiritual body'") (McVeigh, 1992a:105). This practice is the only way to dispel evilspirits (Young 36).Now that the symbolic merit of purification has been defined, how is

okiyome achieved in practice?Two kamikumete ("hand-in-hand with God") (McVeigh, 1992a:103), or members sit face-

to-face and place his or her hands and feet together. The individual to be "purified"closeshis or her eyes. The other individual raises his or her hand with the palm facing theforehead of the individual sitting opposite (Davis:22). Spirit rays, known as reihasen , arefiltered through the palmof the believer's hand and these rays expel toxins and evil.

Followers believe the "primary soul" lies about ten centimeters behind the forehead, andthis is where energies should be focused (Davis:22). This practiceand the beliefs behind itare of utmost importance, and play a key role in the purity metaphor (discussed later inthis section) that dominates Mahikari doctrine.

The second term of importance is Omitama . This amulet, given to every recruit after athree day training session, is said to be the "source of empowerment" (Young 37). The

wearer is guarded by a circle of protective light, and the amulet, if cared for properly, issupposed to accompany the owner into the after-life (often cremated with the deceased)(Young 37). The amulet prevents spirit possession, but cannot rid the individual of evilspirits already inside. This can only be achieved through Okiyome (Young 36).Finally, the practice ofbutsudan , or worship of ancestral spirits at Buddhist memorial

altars, plays an important role in Mahikari (Davis:41). Because the spirits that possess areusually resentful ancestors (Young 39), the careful, ceremonial care of ancestral altarshelps prevent pain and suffering in life. Mahikari teachings and lectures often provide well

defined rules for the ceremonial care of such altars (Davis:42).The spirits that possess are not entirely evil, but are malicious and therefore dangerous(Young 38). One should note that deities do not possess. Possessive spirits are not part ofthe living world or the after-world. They are in the astral world where they await rebirth,and their fates rest in the hands of deities under Su God's guidance (Young 38).Possessions are not arbitrary and can always be linked to some reason (Young 38). The act

of purification (Okiyome) offers means to find such reasons. During ritual "cleansing"spirits are reminded that such an act of possessing only affects their destiny negatively

(Young 38).Mahikari is known for their view of modern medicine. While rational, modern medicalscienceexplains how germs cause disease, it does not offer an explanation as to why (Young33). "Spirit belief thus draws a tighter net of causality around the experience of what theworld-at-large calls misfortune or plain bad luck" (Young 33). This "rebellion againstmodern rationality" is a manifestation of disillusionment with Western medicine and

modernization. Both have the associated costs of pollution, environmental abuse, andimpersonal methods of patient care (Young 34).

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Brian McVeigh presents a structured analysis of Mahikari's main metaphor of

purification. Asa central aspect of Sukyo Mahikari's belief system, the role of purity servesto unify and support the closely knit structure. "By employing the dominant metaphor,

different parts of the ideological edifice come to support one another (McVeigh,1992a:100). The belief in one part leads to thelogical acceptance of the other (McVeigh,1992a:101). The coherent nature of the unified belief system proves to be an alluringquality. A limited number of terms appear again and again: gratitude( kansha ), obedience(sunao ), and humility of the heart ( kokoro no geza ) (McVeigh, 1992a:101).As brightness is related to cleanliness, this concept plays a major role in Mahikari. The

dojo (Mahikari church), ancestral altars, and even cups of sake are often lightened withgold trimmings (McVeigh, 1992a:103). The Omitama (amulet) is gold, and even the

members' nickname Yoyokishi, or "Sunshine Children," reflects the emphasis placed onthis concept (McVeigh, 1992a:104). Japanese people are called Taiyozoku , the "People ofthe Sun" and Japan itself is called the "Land of the Origin of the Sun." These examplesillustrate the importance of brightness in Japanese society at large. Ultimately, True Light

(received from the "True Light God") is said to be a "purifying stream of energy"(McVeigh, 1992a:104).One practice that embodies the role of purity in Mahikari is the ceremonialcleaning/purificationof the dojo prior to every Monthly Ceremony. Everything is cleaned

and dusted thoroughly, and even the sacred scroll with Mahikari characters written on it(called the Goshintai) is removedand cleaned. The altar is cleaned also (McVeigh,

1992a:106). Before cleaning, members must wash their handsto remove the defilementseach time they enter the dojo (McVeigh, 1992a:106). The sacredness ofthe object to behandled is porportional to the level of cleansing required. One interesting issue stilldebated is, are menstruating women impure? (McVeigh, 1992a:107) In a belief systemwhere purity lies at the center, this issue becomes crucial. Still, though, no movement-wide

consensus has been established.In a ritual where the chance of defilement is higher, the behavior becomes more ritualized.Furthermore, the ritual becomes more "'layered.'" This term is defined by wrappings,

concealment, indirectness, and classification (McVeigh, 1992a:107). In Japan, wrappingcarries social implications and indicates respect, social distance, and social status(McVeigh, 1992a:108). In Mahikari, this social practice takes on sacred importance. Forexample, people often wrap their legs in towels during Okiyome. While Mahikari statesthis is for warmth and modesty, and respect to Su God, McVeigh ventures that it alsorepresents the liminal status of a member (1992a: 109). In another example, members wear

masks and vests when they clean the dojo to protect the sacredness from their presence(McVeigh, 1992a:108).

Next, concealment helps maintain purity and "enhances the mystery, power, andauthority" (McVeigh, 1992a:112). Various examples of this mechanism exist in Mahikaripractice. Drapes on altars are drawn during morning andevening rituals, and participantsare asked to close their eyes (McVeigh, 1992a:112). Members are told never to open theirOmitama, and squad members (lowest ranking authority figure in the movement'sorganization) often refuseto show their manuals to members at large. The manuals contain

only fundamental information (McVeigh, 1992a:113).Members are often even reluctant toshare notes taken in public lectures. Next, indirectness is another mechanism that helps

maintain purity. Japanese social interactions are notorious for "indirectness,

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circumvention,and lack of frankness" (McVeigh, 1992a:114). Formalized greetings always

precede Okiyome and ceremonialclaps and bows always precede prayer (McVeigh,1992a:114). Furthermore, honorific, humble, and polite speechis always used in dojos all of

which are indirect by nature (McVeigh, 1992a:115). Finally, classificationhelps maintainpurity in Mahikari. Such order helps keep people and things in proper place.Differenttowels are labelled for different objects, and different soaps are used for different people(depending, too, on what they plan to handle) (McVeigh, 1992a:115). Required postureand seating arrangements for ceremonies also vary according to careful classifications(McVeigh, 1992a:116).

The cycle of purity, impurity, and purity again exists at all three levels of existence:cosmos, collectivities, and individual (McVeigh, 1992a:116). On the cosmic level, a natural

process of "world renewal" flourishes. Natural disasters are means to purge society ofimpurities. Such disasters can be seen as communications of Su God, as the deity cleansesthe world, or tells of dissaproval (McVeigh, 1992a:117). On the level of collectivities,nations and groups endure natural disasters or warfare because of"collective guilt," and

such sufferings are a method of cleansing (McVeigh, 1992a:118). Finally, on an individuallevel, three aspects of purification arise: body (physical), mind (psychological), and soul(spiritual) (McVeigh, 1992a:118). Purified people enjoy life as Su God intended withhealth, harmony, and material well-being. This goal is obtainable for everyone (McVeigh,

1992a:119).|Profile |History |Beliefs |Links |Bibliography |

IV. Links to Sukyo Mahikari Web SitesPlease note there is a shortage of reliable Sukyo Mahikari pages in English. The

movement's official page in Japanese is listed below. I have also listed below one pagemaintained by Sekai Mahikari Bunmei Kyodan, the group of which Sekiguchi Sakae

maintained control after a legal battle that ended in 1978. Though this group isentirelyseparate from Sukyo Mahikari, the histories and basic concepts are similar. Thisgroup also maintains a "Mahikari- USA" page which may be of some interest to readers.(Information aboutan official English page or other useful sites about Mahikari would begreatly appreciated. Write to Jackie Fowler at the University of Virginia).

http://www.stat.go.jp/151.htm

|Profile |History |Beliefs |Links |Bibliography |

V. BibliographyDavis, Winston. 1980.

Dojo: Magic and Exorcism in Modern Japan . Stanford: Stanford University Press.Hendry, Joy. 1990."Humidity, Hygiene, or Ritual Care: Some Thoughts on Wrapping as a Social Phenomenon."Unwrapping Japan. Manchester: Manchester University Press.Hurbon, La Ennec. 1991."Mahikari in the Carribean." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies . 18(2-3): 243-264.Knecht, Peter. 1995."The Crux of the Cross: Mahikari's Core Symbol."Japanese Journal of Religious Studies .22(3-4): 321-342.

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McVeigh, Brian. 1992."The Master Metaphor of Purity: The Symbolism of Authority and Power in Sukyo Mahikari."Japanese Religions .17(2): 98-125.McVeigh, Brian. 1992."The Vitalistic Conception of Salvation as Expressed in Sukyo Mahikari."Japanese Journal ofReligious Studies . 19(1): 41-68.McVeigh, Brian. 1992."Learning Morality Through Sentiment and the Senses: The Role of Emotional Experience inSukyo Mahikari."Japanese Religions . 20(1): 56-76.Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. 1984.Illness and Culture in Contemporary Japan . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Reader, Ian. 1988."The Rise of a Japanese New New Religion: Themes in the Development of Agonshu."Japanese Journal of Religious Studies . 15(4): 235-262.Young, Richard Fox. 1990.

"Magic and Morality in Modern Japanese Exorcistic Technologies- A Study of Mahikari."Japanese Journal of Religious Studies . 17(1): 29-50.

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