Globalización, Cultura y Música

Globalization and Musical CultureAuthor(s): Alexandros G. BaltzisSource: Acta Musicologica, Vol. 77, Fasc. 1 (2005), pp. 137-150Published by: International Musicological SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25071251 .Accessed: 06/11/2014 18:51

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Globalization and Musical Culture

Alexandras G. Baltzis* Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

- Greece

1. On globalization

Scholars from different disciplines puzzle over globalization for more than two decades. As a result, different theories have been expressed?more or less systematically?in

orderto identify its general characteristics and the appropriate approach forthe purpose of analysis. Nikos Kotzias1 suggested a classification of the theories on globalization, ac

cording to three criteria. Although he does not provide any descriptive definitions, these

criteria may be identified as ontological, epistemological and historical. Following Kotzias'

classification, the various theories may be grouped as follows:

a. By the ontological criterion

a.1. Theories considering globalization as an objective phenomenon, i.e. as a set of processes that emerged regardless of personal or subjective political and eco nomic decisions.2

a.2. Theories considering globalization as a subjective phenomenon, i.e. as a result of decisions and choices made by political and economic subjects. This view is popular in Greece, where several academics are convinced that globalization is a scenario elaborated by certain transnational elites3. The idea of globalization as a scenario has also some support in Germany and in France.4

Alexandras Baltzis is lecturer in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the Aristotle

University of Thessaloniki (Greece). 1. Nikos Kotzias, "Theories on Globalization and Asymmetries of Reality", preface in Ulrich Beck, Was

ist Globalisierung? Irrt?mer des Globalismus - Antworten auf Globalisierung, edition in Greek, Athens,

Kastaniotis, 2000, pp. 14-27. 2. See for example Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, Cambridge, Cambridge University

Press, 1990 and Immanuel Wallerstein, The Politics of the World Economy: The States, the Movements and the Civilizations, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984.

3. See for example Maria Negreponti-Delivani, "'Globalization': Content -

Consequences -

Perspectives", in: Myths and Reality in the Age of Globalization. Interdisciplinary Approach, eds. Christos Kollias, Charis

Naxakis, Michalis Chletsos, Athens, Patakis, 2003, pp. 49-67, Giorgos Hadjikonstantinou, "And they called it Globalization and themselves they called Globalizators", Ibid., pp. 129-47 and Vassilis Filias, The

Accounting of Globalization and the Logic of the Historic Objection, Athens, Kaktos, 2001. 4. See for example Daniel Cohen, Fehldiagnose Globalisierung: die Neuverteilung des Wohlstands nach der drit

ten industriellen Revolution. Frankfurt and New York, Campus Sachbuch, 1998 and Pierre-Andr? Taguieff, R?sister au bougisme: d?mocratie forte contre mondialisation techno-marchande, Paris, Fayard, 2002.


138 Alexandras G. Baltzis

b. By the epistemological criterion

b.1. Theories according to which globalization concerns mainly the financial markets

and the economic relations. Therefore the economic approach alone should be

adequate.5

b.2. Theories according to which globalization is a complex social, economic, politi cal and cultural phenomenon that affects every sector of social life and calls for

interdisciplinary approaches and analysis.6

c. By the historical criterion ci. Theories that view in globalization a phenomenon that can be traced back several

centuries.7

c.2. Theories asserting that globalization is a contemporary phenomenon rooted in

the past, yet holding its own distinctive features.8

It is obvious then that the questions concerning what globalization is and how it

should be analyzed can be answered in various ways depending on the methodological

background and the point of view chosen.

Taking a closer look at globalization, one can ascertain several features, which?de

spite the fact that they are not unprecedented in the history of societies?they are

unique from a qualitative point of view, as well as in terms of the global impact they have. Therefore, they can hardly be traced in previous stages in the development of

contemporary societies. At the same time they go far beyond the field and scope of economics. Again according to Kotzias,9 these features include (a) the implementation of new technologies, (b) a new mode of production, (c) changes in communication and

transport, (d) changes in the time-space relation, (e) modification of the national state functions, (f) cultural changes and (g) changes that affect the individual's everyday life and have a psychological impact. Taking into account that the publications on globaliza tion are more than 12,000 worldwide, it is not possible to analyze here each and every feature of this phenomenon in detail. However, for the purposes of this paper some of

the features summarized by Kotzias will be discussed and commented in brief.

5- See for example Douglas Irwin, Against the Tide: An Intellectual History of Free Trade, Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1996.

6. See for example Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, op.at. and Nikos Kotzias, Globaliza tion. The Historic Position, the Future and the Political Significance, Athens, Kastaniotis, 2003.

7. See for example Immanuel Wallerstein, The Politics of the World Economy, op. cit., Malcolm Waters, Globalization, London, Routledge, 1995 and Roland Robertson, "Mapping the Global Condition: Glo balization as the Central Concept", Global Culture. Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity, ed. Mike

Featherstone, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi, Sage Publications, 1997, pp. 15-30. 8. See for example Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, op. cit., Fredric Jameson, Masao

MiYOSHi (eds.), The Cultures of Globalization, Durham, Duke University Press, 1998, David Held, Anthony G. McGrew, David Goldblatt and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and

Culture, Palo Alto, Stanford University Press, 1999 and Nikos Kotzias, Globalization. The Historic Position, the Future and the Political Significance. Athens, Kastaniotis, 2003.

9. Nikos Kotzias, "Theories on Globalization and Asymmetries of Reality", op. cit., pp. 29-45.


Globalization and Musical Culture 139

a) According to Kotzias, a distinctive feature of globalization is the implementation of new technologies. I think that although major economic and social changes in the past were brought about by technological advancements, mankind can for the first

time use technology that produces universal tools, i.e. tools that can be used in

several different and previously unrelated activities. Digital technology, for example, made possible the use of one and the same machine for composing, writing down,

processing, playback and finally producing a complete musical product, ready to be

sold. This convergence (that concerns the forms of communication as well) is essential for changes occurring in a society where social relations are reified, that is they take

the form of relations among things.

b) Summarizing the features of globalization, Kotzias10 indicates that the implementa tion of new technologies accelerates the evolution of a new mode of production that entails new labor relations and a novel attitude towards labor. I think that these

changes are epitomized in the fact that the sense of participation in decision-mak

ing?a feature of Fordism?is displaced by the sense of personal devotion, consistent with the so-called "flexible forms of work". With the advent of the flexible organiza tion of production (including tele-work), the public domain (i.e. the "place of work") and the domain of personal privacy (i.e. the "home") tend to fuse.

c) New technologies are also related to changes in communication and transport.11 New forms of communication and transport appear, making it possible to commu

nicate and transfer goods and services in very long distances in a very short time.

These changes lead to the next feature of globalization.

d) Changes in the time-space relation. The unprecedented compression of time and space is the core of these changes. At least a decade before Kotzias' brief report on

the basic features of globalization, other scholars had already insightfully analyzed the

time-space compression and its significance -

especially for the arts.12 Here is not the

right place to enter this complicated and long discussion. My general point?based on the analysis by David Harvey, Nikos Kotzias and Ulrich Beck?is that changes in the perception of time and space are brought about by changes in social relations and culture (like the appearance of a new mode of production and a new attitude towards labor) and by the new forms of communication. These changes are associ ated with political transformations as well. In David Harvey's words: "How have the uses and meanings of space and time shifted with the transition from Fordism to

flexible accumulation? I want to suggest that we have been experiencing, these last two decades, an intense phase of time-space compression that has had a disorienting and disruptive impact upon political-economic practices, the balance of class power, as

io. Nikos Kotzias, "Theories on Globalization and Asymmetries of Reality", op. cit., pp. 29-45 ancl Nikos

Kotzias, Globalization..., op. cit., pp. 60-62. 11. Nikos Kotzias, "Theories on Globalization and Asymmetries of Reality", op. cit., pp. 32-35. 12. Cf. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1990, pp. 201-323.



well as upon cultural and social life"13. Moreover, the compression of time and space makes the borders of national states somewhat

"perforated". Cross-border services, information and products (including cultural artifacts) disorganize the established local

control mechanisms, not only from a political and economic point of view, but from a cultural one as well.14

e) This kind of disorganization involves?as Kotzias indicates15?changes in the func tions of the national state. Politicians and social scientists puzzle over these changes that have triggered off a series of collective actions and reactions. I think that inter

alia they weaken the so-called "ideological mechanisms of the state"?to use the

famous Althusserian term16?thus diminishing their cultural impact. On the other

hand, the same changes reduce citizens' control on matters concerning everyday life.17

As Joseph Stiglitz indicates, there is "a system that might be called global governance without global government, one in which a few institutions?the World Bank, the

IMF [International Monetary Fund], the WTO [World Trade Organization]?and a few players?the finance, commerce, and trade ministries, closely linked to certain

financial and commercial interests?dominate the scene, but in which many of those

affected by their decisions are left almost voiceless".18

As my comments suggest, the above-mentioned features of globalization?summa rized by Kotzias?are discussed by several authors. My point, however, is the conclusion

that, although its economic aspect cannot be ignored, globalization can hardly be re

duced to a purely economic phenomenon. It should rather be approached as a complex social phenomenon with technological, political, ethical, ideological, cultural and?of

course?artistic aspects. From this point of view I think that Kotzias is right to argue that

globalization constitutes the context in which choices and decisions (either individual or

collective) are made, thus providing its concrete form and favoring certain tendencies.19

2. Delineating major changes

Conceiving of globalization as a complex social phenomenon means that cultural change is

not considered to be the result of certain "external"?so to speak?processes. In other

words, globalization is not something that "happens to music" or has a certain impact on it. Changes in musical culture rather constitute one of the aspects of globalization,

13. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, op. cit., p. 284. 14. Cf. Ulrich Beck, Was ist Globalisierung?..., op. cit., pp. 85-93. 15. Nikos Kotzias, "Theories on Globalization and Asymmetries of Reality", op. cit., pp. 35-39. 16. Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological Mechanisms of the State", in: Louis Althusser, Positions,

Athens, Themelio, 1981, pp. 69-121. 17. Cf. Erik Swyngedouw and Guy Baeten, "Scaling the City: The Political Economy of'Glocal' Development

- Brussels' Conundrum", European Planning Studies, vol. 9, no. 7 (2001), p. 832. 18. Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and its Discontents, London, Penguin Books, 2002, pp. 21-22.

19. Nikos Kotzias, "Theories on Globalization and Asymmetries of Reality", op. cit., p. 18.



and they are themselves complicated and multileveled since they concern institutions,

systems of values and social groups involved in musical life.

Furthermore, the globalization of musical culture has its own historical background. It is rooted in the age-long process of interaction between different musical cultures.

This is the case?for instance?of the exchange between neighboring musical cultures

in Eastern Mediterranean or Balkan countries. The process of musical acculturation,

resulting from colonialism and slavery, is an example of interaction between distant

musical cultures. Concerning musical culture, Wallis and Malm identified three types of

interaction that preceded the process of globalization observed during the last decades

of the 20th century: exchange, dominance and imperialism.20 Regardless of the dispute and the criticism this study has provoked,21 the various types of cultural interaction it

identifies represent the historical basis of globalization in the domain of culture.

In any case, the development of music industry by the end of the 19th and during the

20th century as well as its evolution to a transnational multimedia industry provided the

necessary institutional cornerstones both from an economic and cultural point of view.

This is because the music industry goes far beyond the record companies. As a compli cated social system, apart from the record companies, it includes several components

with distinctive functions: instrument manufacture, sheet music publication, artist manage ment, concert organization and the management of intellectual property rights. It also

includes sound management: the manufacture and distribution of equipment for sound

recording, processing and reproducing. Furthermore, some of the media, like radio, televi

sion, cinema, the music press and the Internet, should also be considered as part of the

contemporary music industry as a social system, since the dissemination and distribution

of music on a massive scale are unthinkable without them in contemporary societies.

During the last decades of the 20th century, a new phase in the development of

music industry as a social and economic system emerged. This phase is defined by the

formation of "transnational entertainment corporations, which promote music as an

ever-expanding series of 'revenue streams'... no longer tied to a particular sound car

rier".22 This major institutional change is not a purely economic phenomenon. Along with the virtualization and inter-netting of commodity relations?which compress space and time?it promotes the disorganization of ordinary local systems for the distribution

and transmission of music.

Let us note here that virtualization is conceived of as the transformation of commod

ity relations (and communications) into an image on the computer screen. The term

20. Roger Wallis and Krister Malm, "Patterns of Change" (1984), On Record: Rock, Pop, and the Written Word, eds. Simon Frith and Andrew Goodwin, London and New York, Routledge, 2000, pp. 173-78.

21. See for example Brian Longhurst, Popular Music and Society, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1995, pp. 51-53, Reebee Garofalo, "From Music Publishing to MP3: Music and Industry in the Twentieth Century", American Music, vol. 17, n?. 3 (1999), pp. 339-40 and Roy Shuker, Understanding Popular Music, London and New York, Routledge, 2001, pp. 71-72.

22. Reebee Garofalo, "From Music Publishing to MP3...", op. cit., p. 319.



"commodity relations" signifies a specific set of relations where (a) the use of money?as an account and storage unit of the abstract exchange value of goods and services?is

universal and (b) the profit is the final purpose of the transactions that take place. The standard equipment needed for collecting, accumulating and processing data in order to

distribute cultural artifacts (in this case music products) is compressed and represented on the screen. Inter-netting?on the other hand?means that these virtual (and yet very real) relations connect people via networks, and particularly via networked networks, i.e. via the Internet. The transportation and communication that used to take several

days now take only a few minutes. Thus, especially when it comes to music, space and

time are compressed in an unprecedented way.23 These developments, combined with the digitalization of music and the technological

progress in all areas of sound management, have favored changes in the distribution and

dissemination of music and promoted further disorganization of certain established struc

tures in musical life. For example, the vertical integration of the retail system and produc tion24 has led?as is the case in Greece?to the disappearance of the small independent music stores that existed since the

'70s in almost every neighborhood in the cities. The

impact of these changes and theirtendency to increase dramatically become obvious when

considering that in 1998 about 846 million new CDs were sold in the American market, while in the first six months of 1999, at least 17 million MP3 files were downloaded from

the Internet each day, that is a total of approximately 3 billion files.25

The conditions created by the developments outlined above alter the structure of musical communication. It is well known that many intermediaries operate between musi

cians and the public. These have been mentioned as components of the music industry as

a social system. Given the new conditions created by digitalization, virtualization and the

Internet, artists?at least in several developed countries?now have more possibilities to communicate with their public, bypassing several of these institutions.26 In addition, the distinction between musicians and listeners has become increasingly blurred.27

The same conditions, on the other hand, have broadened the possibilities for access

to musical artifacts not only on a local, but on a global level as well. This development alters music reception, since more and more people gain access to a wider range of

23. Alexandras Baltzis, "Musical Life and Commodity Relations", The Value of Music Today (proceedings of the International Congress of Musicology held in Athens, 25-27 February 2002, Goethe Institut Athen),

Athens, Edition Orpheus, 2003, p. 160 (for further information on this Congress see: http://www. musicology.gr).

24. Cf. Martin Kretschmer, George Michael Klimis, Roger Wallis, The Global Music Industry in the Digital Environment: A Study of Strategic Intent and Policy Responses (1006-00). Paper presented at the confer ence on Long-term Developments in the Arts and Cultural Industries Erasmus University Rotterdam, 23-25

February 2000. The text is available at the web address: http://www.mica.at/pdf/kretschmer_c.pdf. 25. Reebee Garofalo, "From Music Publishing to MP3..." op. cit., p. 349. 26. Ali Yakhlef, "The Internet as a New Locus for Value Creation", Management Decision, 36/9 (1998), p. 613

and Reebee Garofalo, "From Music Publishing to MP3..." op. cit., pp. 349 and 351. 27. Paul Theberge, Any Sound you can imagine: Making Music/Consuming Technology, Hanover and London,

Wesleyan University Press, 1997, p. 242.


Globalization and Musical Culture H3

musical styles, genres and cultures. At the same time, the system for managing the intel

lectual property rights has been disorganized, since it has proven to be outdated and threatened by the new conditions of musical communication.28 Questions are also raised about the asymmetries this system promotes in favor of a few artists in a few countries

all over the world29 and about the ways it threatens creativity.30

Evidently, these changes affect the conditions in which music is created. The forma

tion of transnational multimedia conglomerates and the disintegration of local distribu

tion systems, the emergence of new ways for disseminating music, the changes in the

relationship between the musicians and their audience and finally the disorganization of

the intellectual property system constitute both the institutional and economic context

in which music is created.

Another dimension of this context is the transcultural milieu, which has resulted from more intense interactions between different cultures and is the product of the breakdown

of economic and cultural barriers. As mentioned above, several types of interaction

between different musical cultures have been observed in the past. "Transculture",

however, is considered to be a truly contemporary phenomenon, associated with

transformations in national cultures that challenge ideas about authenticity. It is also

associated with fragmentation and diversity, whose common denominator is the global world of media, tourism and leisure.31

Transculture here is understood as a two-way flow of cultural traits32 and signifies a

type of interaction, characteristic of the era of digitalization, virtualization and inter-net

ting of communications. It can hardly be compared to the outcome of the linear journeys made by composers and musicians during the past centuries. It is not a homogenous and

unified system, but rather a condition that arises from the collapse of cultural barriers and allows composers and musicians?at least in developed countries?to explore an

unprecedented diversity of "musical worlds", which belong to both present and past. Therefore, it represents an unparalleled condition for music creation.

As it has already been suggested, transculturation is associated with fragmentation and diversity. In fact, from several points of view, it seems more accurate to take into

28. Roger Wallis, Charles Baden-Fuller, Martin Kretschmer and George Michael Klimis, "Contested Collec tive Administration of Intellectual Property Rights in Music: The Challenge to the Principles of Reciprocity and Solidarity", European Journal of Communication, 14/1 (1999), pp. 5-35, and Martin Kretschmer, George Michael Klimis, Roger Wallis, The Global Music Industry in the Digital Environment..., op. cit., pp. 16-17.

29. See for example Joost Smiers, Copyrights: a Choice of no Choice for Artists and Third World Countries; The Public Domain is Loosing Anyway, constant Association, 1999 (http://www.constantvzw.com/copy. cult/copyrights.pdf), Joost Smiers, "Copyright is Wrong", Le Monde Diplomatique, September 2001 (also published in the Greek newspaper Elephterotypia

-

2/12/2001) and Reebee Garofalo, "From Music Publishing to MP3..." op. cit., pp. 346 and 348.

30. See for example Siva Vaidhyanathan, Copyrights and Copywrongs. The Rise of Intellectual Property and how it Threatens Creativity, New York and London, New York University Press, 2001.

31. Walter L. B?hl, "Musiksoziologie an der postmodernen Wende", Soziale Welt -

Zeitschrift f?r sozialwis

senschaftliche Forschung und Praxis, 45 (1994), p. 339. 32. Roger Wallis and Krister Malm, "Patterns of Change", op. cit., p. 177.



consideration both the globalization of the local and the localization of the global, i.e. the

dialectics of contemporary musical culture.33 Local musical cultures become modern in

the institutional, economic and cultural sense. The production and distribution of music are structured upon the rational organization principles that originate from certain so

cieties, while new markets are created (globalization of the local in the institutional and economic sense). Certain local musics?like jazz or Latin, or even the Western classical music?become widespread all over the world (globalization of the local in the cultural

sense). At the same time, globalized cultural elements are integrated in local musical cultures creating new hybrid styles. For example there is Greek Latin music, or Greek rock music, as there is Chinese jazz, clearly identifiable and different from the "original" rock, Latin or jazz music (localization of the global). Another example is the case with the Brazilian music. The interaction between Brazilian traditional styles and international

popular music like jazz, rock and rap also produced new musical styles.34 This bi-direc tional process?observed a long time ago in music?has accelerated in the institutional

and economic context defined so far.

This perspective of musical culture is consistent with a more general sociological ap

proach, according to which localization should be taken into account along with globali zation. Moreover, in order to emphasize this type of approach, the term "glocalization" has been introduced by authors like Roland Robertson, Arjun Appadurai, Ulrich Beck and Benjamin Barber.35

The approach suggested is also consistent with the structural changes observed in the music industry during the last two decades, in favor of both high market concentration and high diversity.36 It is not by accident that Vivendi Universal?one of the major global

multimedia conglomerates?emphasized the multi-cultural background of its company staff and stated clearly that it ".. .draw[s] on this wealth of diversity as a unique strength to preserve, promote and protect the rich cultural character of countries, communities

and local regions".37 In unison with this attitude, another "giant"?AOL Time Warner

33- Cf. Walter L. B?hl, "Musiksoziologie an der postmodernen Wende", op. cit., pp. 339-40, Brian Longhurst,

Popular Music and Society, op. cit., p. 53 and Veit Erlmann, "Ideologie der Differenz: Zur ?sthetik der World Music". PostScriptum 3

- World Music, pp. 6-29 (http://www2.hu-berlin.de/fpm/popscrip/the men/pst03/pst03010.htm), Berlin, Research Institute of Popular Music in Humboldt University, 1995.

34. Charles Perrone and Christopher Dunn (eds.), Brazilian Popular Music and Globalization, Routledge, 2001.

35. Roland Robertson, "Comments on the 'Global Triad' and 'Glocalization'", Globalization and Indigenous Culture, ed. Nobutaka Inoue, Tokyo, Kokugakuin University, Institute for Japanese Culture and Classics, 1997, pp. 217-25, Ulrich Beck, Was ist Globalisierung?..., op. cit., pp. 131-44, Benjamin Barber, J/had vs.

McWorld, edition in Greek, Athens, Kastaniotis, 2001.

36. Paul D. Lopes, "Innovation and Diversity in the Popular Music Industry, 1969 to 1990", American Sociologi cal Review, vol. 57, n?. 1 (1992), pp. 57, 63-67 and 70, Robert Burnett, The Global Jukebox. The International

Music Industry, London and New York, Routledge, 1999, pp. 107-15, David Hesmondhalgh, "Flexibility, Post-Fordism and the Music Industries", Media, Culture & Society, vol. 18, n? 3, July 1996, p. 474.

37. Vivendi universal, Annual Report Summary 2000, Vivendi Universal, 2001, p. 3 (the document may be found at the address: http://finance.vivendiuniversal.com).


Globalization and Musical Culture M5

(now named Time Warner Inc.)?includes diversity in its values and declares that this is done in order to ".. .attract and develop the world's best talent?seeking to include the

broadest range of people and perspectives".38 This situation is very different compared to previous periods, when the few major companies were significantly less interested in promoting diversity.39 For example, in the American market?one of the world's

largest?during the 1940s and early 1950s, the major companies in general produced a

homogenous and standardized popular music.40 It was the kind of music that provoked Adorno's criticism41 and it was during this period that a negative relationship between

concentration and diversity could be seen in the music industry.42

3. Asymmetries and contradictions

On several occasions, the above outline of developments implies certain asymmetries and contradictions. Major asymmetries result from the uneven structure of the music industry and the disproportionate appropriation of intellectual rights worldwide. This is

illustrated by the main features of the music industry, which are:43

a) Oligopoly: the market is dominated by a small number of firms that account for a large amount of output.

b) Extended concentration: a large proportion of the means of production and labor is concentrated into a few firms.

c) Horizontal integration: mergers of two or more companies in the same industry and at the same stage of production

-

e.g. a merger of two or more record

companies or of two or more retail firms.

d) Vertical integration: mergers of firms at different stages of the production chain -

e. g. a merger of CD manufacturers, record companies and retail firms.

e) Diversification: the range of products produced is increased -

e.g. Time Warner or Sony offer a wide range of services and products related to music artifacts; in

addition, for the major transnational multimedia conglomerates music is only one of their diverse operations.

38. Aol time warner, 2001 Fact Book, AOL Time Warner, 2001, p. 2 (the document may be found at the address: http://www.aoltimewarner.com).

39. Richard A. Peterson and David G. Berger, "Cycles in Symbol Production: The Case of Popular Music", American Sociological Review, vol. 40, n?. 2 (1975), pp. 163 and 165-66. Cf. also Theodor W. Adorno, "On Popular Music" (1941), On Record: Rock, Pop, and the Written Word, eds. Simon Frith and Andrew

Goodwin, op. cit., pp. 301-14. 40. Paul D. Lopes, "Innovation and Diversity...", op. cit., p. 56. 41. Theodor W. Adorno, "On Popular Music", op.cit. 42. Richard A. Peterson and David G. Berger, "Cycles in Symbol Production...", op. cit., p. 163. 43. Cf. Geoffrey P. Hull, "The Structure of the Recorded Music Industry", The Media and Entertainment

Industries. Readings in Mass Communications, ed. Albert N. Greco, Boston, Allyn and Bacon, 2000,

pp. 76-98. Cf. also the annual reports of the five major corporations mentioned later. Since the writing of this paper two of the five major record companies merged and created the Sony BMG joint venture (each one holding 50% of the shares). Anyway, this change does not alter the fact that the world music

market is dominated by a very small number of large corporations.



These main features of music industry?excluding the last one?have not changed

significantly during the 20th century.44 Yet during the last two decades a wave of mergers and takeovers resulted in the formation of a few global multimedia conglomerates that

control most of the channels for music dissemination. This is a relatively new phenom enon with economic and cultural consequences.

A few facts and figures may illustrate the main features of the global music industry. In this respect, it is noteworthy that according to estimations for 1999, "the rights to the

works and records accounting for 80% of global music sales are appropriated by only five companies".45 Moreover, these few conglomerates own a very large repertoire of

music copyrights. For example, Vivendi Universal owns over 800,000 titles in about 63 countries.46 AOL Time Warner (now named Time Warner Inc.) controlled more than 1,000,000 titles in 68 countries,47 the same as EMI in 30 countries. This data, of course, does not represent the ultimate proof for the concentration of intellectual property in

music, but it surely serves as a good indicator.

A better indicator for the extent of market concentration is the market share. In the

year 2000 the "big five" companies, that is AOL Time Warner, BMG (Bertelsmann), EMI, Sony and Vivendi Universal, shared $22.3 billion, that is about 61% of the recording industry world sales.48 In addition, the concentration of the control over the channels for

music dissemination has been accompanied by a more aggressive marketing policy. For

example, according to AOL Time Warner, the corporation's brands "touch consumers

more than 2.5 billion times each month".49 These facts are only indicative of the economic and cultural asymmetries that domi

nate musical life worldwide. Major contradictions result from these asymmetries. As mentioned above, more and more people?including composers and musicians?gain access to a wider range of musical styles, genres and cultures. In other words, there is a certain tendency towards a broader democratization of musical life. However, this is a conditional or formal democratization that reinforces social and cultural distinctions in

favor of the economically and culturally advantaged countries and social groups.

44- Cf. Geoffrey P. Hull, "The Structure of the Recorded Music Industry", op. cit., Paul D. Lopes, "Innovation and Diversity...", op. cit., and Richard A. Peterson and David G. Berger, "Cycles in Symbol Production...",

op. cit..

45. Martin Kretschmer, George Michael Klimis, Roger Wallis, The Global Music Industry in the Digital Environ

ment...", op. cit., p. 8.

46. Vivendi universal, Annual Report Summary 2000, op. cit., p. 16.

47. AOL TIME WARNER, 2001 Fact Book, Op. Cit., p. 25.

48. Calculated according to the currency conversion rates published by the Financial Times on 12 December 2001 and according to annual reports: EMI, EMI Group Annual Report 2001, The EMI Group, 2001, p. 2

(http://www.emigroup.com), Sony, Sony Corporation Annual Report 2001, Sony Corporation, 2001, p. 64 (http://www.sony.co.jp/en/), Vivendi universal, Annual Report Summary 2000, op. cit., p. 2, Bertelsmann

ag, Bertelsmann Annual Report 7999/2000, Bertelsmann AG, 2000, p. 12 (the document may be found at the address: http://www.bertelsmann.com), Aol time warner, 2001 Fact Book, op. cit., p. 5 and IFPI, Recording Industry World Sales 2000. IFPI, 2001 (the document may be found at the address: http://www. ifpi.org/site-content/statistics/worldsales.html).

49. AOL TIME WARNER, 2001 Fact Book, Op. at., p. 3.


Globalization and Musical Culture HI

The increasing concentration of control over the channels for musical communication

raised the issue of cultural freedom for both musicians and listeners long ago. Also, ques tions have been raised concerning the expansion of cultural hegemony as well as its chal

lenge to cultural identity. Furthermore, the uneven access to some of these channels and to technology, the disproportional structure of the intellectual property system and finally the inequality of cultural capital within local societies?studied by Pierre Bourdieu50?out line the features of this formal democratization worldwide. The contradictions concerning

formal democracy in musical culture can be summarized as follows: those who can afford it

(and they are many more than ever before) are free to listen to the music they have been trained to appreciate. According to this approach, the asymmetries and contradictions

related to the globalization of musical culture have?apart from the cultural?economic and political aspects as well. In many cases it is difficult?if not impossible?to separate the economic and political aspects from the cultural ones.

These asymmetries are further exaggerated when taking into account that the new

possibilities for musical communication?arising from the collapse of artificial barri ers?are not available to all societies. Some of them lack the technical infrastructure that allows people to take advantage of the new forms of communication, let alone to control the channels necessary for the dissemination of their own musical culture.

Moreover, not all social groups possess the cultural capital that generates the need for access to these possibilities.

The social dimensions of these asymmetries are more clearly illustrated with the worldwide expansion of the music industry. Beginning at the end of the 19th century, this

expansion exerted a major impact on local musical cultures, mainly due to its tendency to reproduce the reified social relations it emanates from. Thus, in certain societies?in

which the notion of music as res facta (i.e. as an accomplished and notated work51) has been foreign?the main function of the music industry as a social system has mainly been rather cultural than economic. This cultural function can be seen in the disintegra tion of local musical life, in the establishment of rational structures for the production, circulation and reception of music, and in the development of music as a form of mass

(i.e. impersonal) communication that displaced what Heinrich Besseler identified as participatory music.52

In addition, music industry as a social system is tied in with a concept of individual intellectual property rights that undermines valuable cultural patterns in these societies.53 In an environment of global asymmetries and contradictions, the application of copyright

50. See for example Pierre Bourdieu, La distinction, critique social du jugement, Paris, Les ?ditions de Minuit, 1979.

51. Kurt Blaukopf, Musical Life in a Changing Society, Portland, Oregon, Amadeus Press, 1992, pp. 166 and 261.

52. See Kurt Blaukopf, Musical Life in a Changing Society, op. cit., pp. 193-94. 53. Joost Smiers, Copyrights: a Choice of no Choice..., op. cit., pp. 8-10.



restrictions?based on the concept of music as res facta?leads to the disintegration of

age-old traditional, i.e. pre-modern, musical cultures. This type of disintegration is not

necessarily evaluated as negative. After all, musical cultures always change along with

their social context. The attempt to preserve outdated cultural patterns no matter what

social changes occur may lead to further complications and contradictions, such as the

rise of nationalistic, isolationist or xenophobic tendencies. Yet the kind of disintegration and disorganization discussed here entails the expansion of the reified and alienated

social relations, resulting in new types of cultural hegemony. This is another major asym metry of cultural globalization with economic, political and legal implications. It has even

epistemological implications for ethnomusicology. It is evident that globalization and the advancement of technology did not create the

asymmetries discussed. These recent developments have just accelerated and expanded certain fundamental social processes. They are rooted in the forms of social (and par ticularly musical) life that are associated with modernity with its transformations and evolution.

4. In conclusion

The developments discussed so far confirm that globalization is a complex social phe nomenon that embraces several aspects of musical life and not only its economics. The

entire structure of musical life, that is the creation, accumulation, reproduction, dissemi

nation and reception of music, changes on many levels, since institutions, value systems and social groups are affected both from an economic and a cultural point of view. In

addition, the asymmetries and contradictions discussed indicate the coexistence of risks

and opportunities for musical culture:

a) On the one hand, there is a tendency towards greater concentration and closer control of music creation and dissemination that intensifies the established asym

metries and contradictions. On the other hand, possibilities for the democratization

of musical life have been created that favor new forms of musical communication.

b) As cultural hegemony is expanded all over the world, at the same time there are new possibilities for local cultures to become known worldwide, thus encouraging the dialogue between different cultures.

c) Local musical cultures disintegrate, while new possibilities have been created for the enrichment and development of local cultures and for new types of musical

culture to emerge.

The risks and opportunities that come into view, due to the globalization?or "glo calization"?of musical culture, expose the interrelatedness of the economic, cultural and

political aspects of musical life. In this context, romantic exaggerations about the autonomy of music and art in general?rooted in 19th century social structures54?are outdated

and irrelevant, even though they are still taken for granted by musicians and perhaps



musicologists. Yet, such views should be disregarded, so that the new challenges for the

cultural policy, music education, musicology and their new responsibilities can be faced.

Cultural policy might encourage or discourage the concentration and closer control of

the channels for musical communication as well as of the institutions for music produc tion. It might support the further expansion of cultural hegemony or the enrichment of

local musical culture and the dialogue between different cultures. The issues raised by the new context are very complicated and delicate, as the fear of losing cultural identity and diversity could lead to?and indeed sometimes does lead to?extreme types of

reactions. These are some of the challenges that the cultural policy faces in this field. At

the same time these challenges create new responsibilities for the political subjects that make decisions upon cultural issues. The situation becomes more complicated in view

of the changes in the functions of the national state, as the decision makers have to deal

with contradictory consequences of their decisions in a situation where the national

states become less independent in their decision-making. The functions of the musical education?just as education in general?are also very

important in a musical culture defined by the coexistence of risks and opportunities. The

importance of musical education becomes obvious when taking into account its social

functions: controlling and managing knowledge and skills as well as introducing value

systems that promote socialization, i.e. social and cultural reproduction and innovation.

By embracing a cautious global approach, musical education systems might promote the dialogue between different cultures and?at the same time?they might contribute to the enrichment of local cultures. On the other hand, the musical education systems

might support cultural hegemony by focusing on certain musical genres, thus reproduc

ing only certain types of musical culture. Of course, my point here is neither to present instructions, nor to indicate what the educational policy should or should not avoid. My

point is just to show that there are contradictory directions in an ambivalent environ ment. Not to evaluate them, but rather to show that there is a need to elaborate on

their implications and possible consequences. What the educational policy should or

should not do is up to the political subjects to decide depending on what their goals are. However, the consequences of deciding pro or contra any of the briefly described

alternatives, should be clear.

Finally, musicology itself faces new challenges and responsibilities. Musicologists might

provide an understanding of music relevant to the new context or they might reproduce the outdated ideas about the autonomy and purity of music conceived of as a result of

54- For a discussion about the relation between the social structures and romanticism in music see for

example Ivo Supiad, Music in Society. A Guide to the Sociology of Music, New York, Pendragon Press, 1987, pp. 176-79, Janet Wolff, "The Ideology of Autonomous Art", Music and Society. The Politics of Composi tion, Performance and Reception, eds. Richard Leppert and Susan McClary, New York and Melbourne,

Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 2-3 and Alexandras Baltzis, "Musical Life and Commodity Rela

tions", op. cit., pp. 158-59.


15? Alexandras G. Baltzis

the individual socially independent creativity. They might illustrate how?and perhaps

why?there is no such thing as music "in general", but only concrete music in terms of

social functions and conditions of creation, accumulation, reproduction, dissemination

and especially reception. In this sense, musicologists might illustrate that music is always

somebody's music addressed to somebody else in a certain social and cultural context.

On the other hand, musicologists (or at least some of them) might insist on analyzing "abstract" musical forms as such, de-humanizing and de-socializing their object and thus reproducing alienated methods of approach. Of course, it is not globalization?or

"glocalization"?that has produced this dichotomy. Musicology has already been facing, for a long time in fact, its own ideological and methodological dilemmas. However, the

contemporary ambivalent cultural context creates new risks and opportunities?new

challenges and responsibilities?for musicology as well.

In any case, understanding the nature and the complexity of the processes and devel

opments discussed in the previous sections of this paper is important in order to conceive

their functions in a new ambivalent context. Perhaps it is now, more than ever, necessary to rethink music not only as a way of representing the apparent or emotional world, but

also as a means for the critical approach to a humanely meaningful world as well. Cultural

policy, musical education and musicology acquire central functions in this respect.


Article Contentsp. [137]p. 138p. 139p. 140p. 141p. 142p. 143p. 144p. 145p. 146p. 147p. 148p. 149p. 150

Issue Table of ContentsActa Musicologica, Vol. 77, Fasc. 1 (2005), pp. 1-150Front MatterMusica e Architettura tra Medio Evo e Et moderna Storia critica di un'idea [pp. 1-26]Eine kleine Musikgeschichte der Zahl 1 [pp. 27-45]La messe polyphonique imprime en France au XVIIIe sicle: survivance et dcadence d'une tradition sculaire [pp. 47-69]Le mythe du vaisseau Le Vengeur de 1794 1951 Textes - Images - Musique [pp. 71-121]Eine sterreichische Volksweise und die avancierte Musik der DDR: Zur Zitattechnik in Christfried Schmidts Kammermusik VII "Epitaph auf einen Bohemien" [pp. 123-136]Globalization and Musical Culture [pp. 137-150]Back Matter

Globalización, Cultura y Música

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